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±è¸íÁÖ/Âü¿©´ëÇпø»ý/(¡ºÇÑû¹®°¨¡»¿¡ ³ªÅ¸³­ ¤ýÇ¥±â¿Í ±× º¯È­ ¾ç»ó) Á¶È¸¼ö : 1,323, 2016-12-27 17:26:35
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±è¸íÁÖ(2016), '¡ºÇÑû¹®°¨¡»¿¡ ³ªÅ¸³­ ¤ýÇ¥±â¿Í ±× º¯È­ ¾ç»ó', ÇÑ±Û 314, ÇѱÛÇÐȸ, 45- .

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Focusing on Hancheongmungam(1779), this paper investigates the notation of arae a /¤ý/ and the changes it underwent in late 18th century, based on the position of the syllable in which arae a /¤ý/ occurs and the preceding consonant. The following characteristics drawn by this investigation underpins the idea that this period constitutes the first phase of the dephonologization of arae a /¤ý/.
First, most of the arae a /¤ý/ present in this material are being used regardless of the position of the corresponding syllable. Second, in the case of lexical morphemes, arae a /¤ý/ in word-initial position tend to display the following changes: ¤ý>¤¿, ¤¿>¤ý. When arae a /¤ý/ becomes a /¤¿/, a considerable number of examples correspond to word-forms which have kept intact the notation of the original arae a /¤ý/ and both spellings are used indifferently. Similarly, cases where a /¤¿/ becomes arae a /¤ý/ correspond to word-forms originally written with a /¤¿/ and both forms are found in Hancheongmungam. Third, non-initial position arae a /¤ý/ in lexical morphemes may undergo the following changes: ¤ý>¤¿, ¤¿>¤ý, ¤ý>¤Ñ, ¤Ñ>¤ý, ¤ý>¤Ç, ¤Ç>¤ý. These changes, which began in the 16th century, considerably expanded in the 18th century. Fourth, in the case of grammatical morphemes most of arae a /¤ý/ appear to have undergone the change ¤ý>¤Ñ. The adnominal clause ending -nun ¡®-¡¯ uniformly remains -nun ¡®-¡¯ regardless of the preceding vowel. As for the remaining grammatical morphemes, if the preceding consonant is h /¤¾/, arae a /¤ý/ and u /¤Ñ/ are used simultaneously. The conservative notation of ¡®(X)-¡¯ can be seen as influencing the notation of other grammatical morphemes. Fifth, the  ᆞ>¤¿ change in word-initial position is not frequent and cannot easily be correlated with the preceding consonant. Sixth, the ¤ý>¤Ñ change in non-initial position appears to occur no matter the preceding consonant.
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